Two years ago, the German construction company Strabag won a tender to build a 70km tarmac road from Kigali to Bugesera in Rwanda. The company delivered a high-quality tarmac road with proper drainage and pavements for pedestrians – a testament to the efficiency and effectiveness of the post genocide state in Rwanda.
At the beginning of February, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda ordered the arrest and detention of a number of infrastructure officials: Vincent Gatwabuyenge, permanent secretary in the ministry for infrastructure; Faustin Gacinya, director of finance in the same ministry; Eliab Munyemana, the ministry’s chief engineer; and the executive director of the Central Public Investment and External Finance Bureau, George Katurebe – a close friend of mine.
The officials were arrested for authorising payments totalling $3m to Strabag for services the company did not render to Rwanda. Strabag was supposed to pay a fine of $800,000 for finishing the road behind schedule. Katurebe was arrested for waiving the fine. Two officials of Strabag were also arrested.
This is not the only recent example of Kagame taking tough action against officials suspected of corruption. In December, he ordered the arrest of the director of the Rwandan National Institute of Statistics, Louise Munyakazi, and the permanent secretary in the ministry of education, Justin Sengiyunva. Every time I visit Rwanda, it seems another public official has been arrested on suspicion of graft.
In Uganda, a country with a road network full of potholes, officials in the ministry for roads live happily off their loot. Rwanda, a country with the best roads in the region, arrests officials in its infrastructure ministry when we should expect them to get honours. This is because Kagame does not tolerate abuse of public funds. The reverse applies for Uganda. But why does the government of Rwanda account to its citizens and the one in Uganda does not?
Rwanda and Uganda present a challenge to traditional democratic theory. Conventional analysis holds that governmental accountability derives from checks and balances on the exercise of executive power. The first checks are formal institutions of state; in Uganda’s case, the Inspector General of Government, Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority, parliamentary oversight committees and so on. The second are institutions of civil society; a free press, political parties and pressure groups.
Uganda outperforms Rwanda on all the above. We have more state-oversight institutions and our press, political parties and civil society organisations are much better developed than in Rwanda. So we should expect greater governmental accountability in Kampala than in Kigali. But what we actually find is the reverse.
This has puzzled me for long. Why does Kagame, who rules largely with a free hand in Rwanda, care more about value for taxpayers’ money than Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, who has to contend with a troublesome parliament, an activist press and a vibrant civil society?
The personalities of the two men play an important role. Kagame is a nationalist with a strong personal commitment to rebuilding Rwanda. Museveni, on the other hand, is a self-seeking power-hungry opportunist whose primary interest is the pomp of power rather than service to the citizen. Yet this is not the fundamental explanation.
The experiences of Uganda and Rwanda teach us two lessons. First, that multiple checks and balances are consequences, not causes, of clean government. Second, things like a free press and lively civic associations are mere facets of a democratic polity but are not fundamental to it. They are effective only when the fundamentals are in place.
The basic prerequisite of a democratic polity is the existence of a set of self-enforcing rules and traditions. Rules become self-enforcing when ruling elites face sufficient incentives to honour their commitment to checks and balances and when they face significant threats if they violate those rules.
To be truly effective, a threat cannot be merely the tactical one of imprisoning the corrupt or even the strategic one of a government losing power. It has to be existential. For example, the Kenyan ruling elites learnt last year that the cost of rigging an election is high; it may push a country into murderous chaos and even genocide. They are likely to think twice before fiddling with election results next time.
In 1994, the most dominant influence in the current Rwandan government – the Tutsi – stared extermination in the eye. They learnt that the price of failure is very high; they cannot afford the luxury of corruption, incompetence and complacency that we see in most of Africa. That is why post-genocide Rwanda has developed the most effective state capacity in Africa, and equally why its government is the most responsive to the needs of ordinary citizens.
This should lead us to doubt the depth, while acknowledging the breadth, of the democratic impulse in Uganda and many other African countries. It also gives us an explanation for the fact that Rwanda has stronger democratic fundamentals, even though many of the arrangements that supposedly define a democracy are underdeveloped there compared to other African countries.
We are likely to remain trapped in corruption if we do not start to think differently about the institutional arrangements we have inherited from western democracies. Many Ugandans think that punishment of the corrupt will rid our country of graft. Yet the threat of detention as a cure for corruption is impotent in Uganda. Why?
First, many public officials are corrupt; therefore, the probability that any one individual will be prosecuted is very low. This increases the incentives for public officials to steal. Second, the investigative arm of the state – the police – and the judicial system are both under-resourced and not immune to graft also. Finally, the judiciary is restrained by procedural rules. Therefore, even a government genuinely committed to fighting graft will find it difficult to secure convictions.
That is why whenever we see a publicly orchestrated prosecution in Uganda – whether it is about the Global Fund or GAVI Fund, Nsimbe or Temangalo – the primary driver is rarely a desire to check corruption. Instead, all too often it is a scheme by the president to trim the wings of a minister he is afraid of, or at attempt by one NRM faction to weaken another.
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written by Joe Fay Adoko, March 04, 2009
written by Moses Owiny, March 04, 2009
Each time i read your articles my heart always bleeds at the level with which this country is bieng mismanaged with the most literate professors,doctors and vibrant institutions of government pushed or rather under the armpits of President Museveni.
Your articles and the brilliance with which you argue them out are a clear indication that you are one of the potential leaders that can save this country.So, Andrew why not in 2011 Presidential elections? ,we are behind you!
written by Ateenyi, March 05, 2009
written by Gilbert Buyinza, March 05, 2009
Some of these articles need to be put on Bill boards for people to see clearly.
Gilbert.
written by simon-MATENGA, March 05, 2009
You are some of the Ugandans who create fear in people.to the point that makes people give up in everything in perpetuity.
Instead, people like Andrew should be supported because they are the icon of bravery and clear headed agents of change for which this country has been yearning for years.
If we continue to express fear in our lives, who do we thing can fight against this dangerous vice that has plunged this nation.
I only wish, brave and patriotic people like Andrew could be multiplied ten-fold to stand against this monster, evil eroding our country.
Bravo Andrew, may you keep up the fire of freedom burning and become one of the flag-bearing pillars for change, come 2011.
written by Gakiire, March 05, 2009
and , i think Kagame is tyring to inent hs own democracy which good in my own opinion!!!!
thnx a lot Mr. Mwenda
but ford has some issues?
written by Nobert, March 05, 2009
written by T., March 05, 2009
written by T., March 05, 2009
written by Desire, March 06, 2009
You are not being fair to M7, if you insulted PK the way you do M7 you would be with your friend Katurebe
written by Bahemuka Thomas, March 06, 2009
written by Tesi, March 06, 2009
Some Rwandese to tell us more please.
written by Sarah, March 06, 2009
written by Sarah, March 06, 2009
written by Yakobo, March 06, 2009
Come on people our country is heading for extinction.
written by YASIN, March 06, 2009
I`d love ur research abt our new Hon. min of finance, given her past competence & experience versus credit crunch upstream.
written by Okello James, March 06, 2009
written by Bob, March 07, 2009
written by Ojwang Laula, March 07, 2009
written by kaji paul, March 07, 2009
written by moses bwajoojo, March 08, 2009
i would like to commend andrew for his brillance and good ideas but remind the readers that Rwanda that andrew represents as an extraordinary country is worse in everything , call it freedom and justice .
Andrew----- if you go deep into who is arrested , why they are arrested where do they end i know the details would discouraging to you . , But you can get this if you only interviewed another side of the coin than getting the beliefings from yr friend PK .
And Andrew try moving outside the street of kiwofu and kaciyiru presidential palaces , you will get the story of rwanda .
Thanks
moses
written by Kayumba, March 08, 2009
written by Kaguta, March 08, 2009
MUSEVENIS REGIME'S HAS KILLED MANY PEOPLE THAN AMIN'S,WHY? BECAUSE THIS REGIME INDIRECTLY KILLS PEOPLE BY DENYING THEM HEALTH SERVICES( GLOBAL FUNDS),THE WAR IN THE NORTH AND POVERTY..SOLDIERS KILL CIVILIANS DURING POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS( REMEMBER WHAT HAPPENED WHEN A SOLDIER FIRED INTO A CROWD IN MENGO?)
THIS REGIME IS FULL OF FAKE, CREEDY POLITICIANS THAT CARE LESS ABOUT THE NATION.
written by Edgar, March 09, 2009
written by Aheebwa Roggers, March 09, 2009
Thank you for this well thought piece, recently I visited Rwanda and the question of tidiness of the roads, smoothness (with no single pothole) leaves alot of questions for our brothers in Uganda. Kagu and the team should visit Rwanda Chopperless may be they will borrow a leaf from there.
Thank you once again
written by Andrew Mwenda, March 10, 2009
interesting. however I am not fully convinced that your argument goes far
enough in distinguishing itself analytically from the 'Great Man of History'
thesis as you claim. Bottom line, historical context cannot be divorced from
the way in which political authority is exercised. Furthermore, I am afraid you
may be comparing apples with banana's given the important 'structural'
differences between the cases. This might be resolved by increasing your sample
size
written by Colin Agabalinda, March 12, 2009
While it is absolutely a personal decision for you to turn into a “Journalist of fortune”, its very disheartening for those that have grown to respect you as a champion of the sacred ideals of freedom and liberty. In one of your choruses of praise to President Kagame, you credit him for taking tough action against officials suspected of corruption and personally ordering the arrest and detention of a number of government officials because to use your very words “HE does not tolerate abuse of public funds”. Is Rwanda his personal property? You further assert that every time you visit Rwanda, it seems another public official has been arrested on suspicion of graft. According to you, this constitutes to be “Rwanda’s way of accounting to its citizens”! There is a difference between “accounting to citizens” and “sending shivers down citizen’s spines”. If you care to know, kindly be informed that “voice” and “exit” are defining ingredients of public accountability – Neither of which two ingredients exist in what you consider to be public accountability in your Mr. Kagame’s Rwanda.
Indeed as you rightly point out, conventional analysis holds that governmental accountability derives from checks and balances on the exercise of executive power. You even proceed to demonstrate knowledge of the fact that the first checks are formal institutions of state; in Uganda’s case, the Inspector General of Government, Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority, parliamentary oversight committees and so on. The second are institutions of civil society; a free press, political parties and pressure groups. By admitting that “Uganda outperforms Rwanda on all the above”, you are actually saying that in Uganda, people have a “louder voice” and more options for “exit” than their counterparts in Rwanda. This in effect implies that the government of Uganda is more accountable to its citizens than the government of Rwanda is to her citizens.
The results of the “analysis” made by comparing the obtaining realities in Rwanda vis-à-vis those in Uganda DO NOT present a challenge to traditional democratic theory as you claim. On the contrary your “analysis” reveals just one simple fact. Namely that: -“Ugandans relatively enjoy more freedoms than their Rwandese brothers and sisters”. What you want readers to believe is “a challenge to democratic theory” is actually a simple truism that stems from the fact that dictatorial governments generally have a high propensity for efficient service delivery. This is true for the simple reason that autocrats “make things happen” because they work through unilateral decrees and autocratic directives. Autocratic decisions are rarely subjected to the red tape associated with what you call “the first checks” i.e. institutional checks and balances; approvals from parliamentary committees etc; and neither are autocratic decisions subjected to the peering scrutiny of watchdogs that you termed “the second checks” i.e. institutions of civil society; a free press, political parties and pressure groups. It is this simple fact that explains why Uganda “outshines” Rwanda in conventional democratic “checks and balances” but Rwanda delivers services more “efficiently”. Multiple checks and balances are not merely consequences of clean government but when in place, they largely contribute to clean governance; indeed things like a free press and lively civic associations are facets of a democratic polity, while freedom, liberty and rule of law are the underlying fundamentals.
The Mwenda that readers have grown to respect is one whose arguments would be supportive of the fact that Ugandans and Rwandese are better off enjoying freedom amidst pot-holes rather than being slaves that drive along beautifully paved roads. After all isn’t it you that once quoted Kwame Nkrumah. “We prefer self-government with danger, to servitude with tranquility". Isn’t it you Mr. Mwenda that resigned from The Monitor arguing that you would rather be jobless and penniless that drive a nice car and report to a job everyday that put restrictions on your freedoms and liberty to express yourself? What then is happening to you my brother? Why have you sold your soul and began singing praises to a leader in whose country your fellow journalists can’t enjoy even a fraction of the relative freedom you have as a journalist in Uganda?
Besides, even if you have chosen to take the “praise orchestra” path, please ensure to balance your instruments so that your music can be sweeter to the ear. For instance, when Rwanda’s Kagame undermines institutions, do not twist the tune and proclaim that “we need to think differently about institutional arrangements inherited from western democracies”; and then when Museveni does the same, then you tilt the tune to say “This is an era of personal rule in Uganda”; When Kagame orders the arrest and prosecution of officials suspected of corruption, you strike the violin and quickly lift your voice high in praise of “public accountability in Rwanda”. However when Ministers in Uganda are arrested and charged with corruption, this time you resound the bass guitar, lower your tone and say that “the primary driver was not a desire to check corruption but a scheme by the president to trim the wings of ministers he is afraid of”. It is in making unprincipled comparisons and misguided analyses that you attempt to disguise your ultimate betrayal to the cause of freedom and liberty. Unfortunately, the path you have opted to take, will never lead you to the levels of intellectual prowess required to challenge underlying principles of conventional democracy.
written by Kiwanuka Ben, March 13, 2009
you are the man who really minds about your country i know it is not very easy but so far what the ideas you bring forward are really nationalistic. Trust me i like every thing you do. Be our President at one time.
written by andre beerda, March 13, 2009
Andre, Rwenzori Anti Corruption Coalition (RAC).
written by Robert, March 13, 2009
written by Jack, March 17, 2009
written by Muk, March 17, 2009
The difference between Museveni and Kagame is tha Kagame is a nationalist dictator but Museveni is just a chicken thief. Period
written by Jimmy, March 18, 2009
written by Alfred UK, March 23, 2009
I like the way you atticulate fundamentals that have to be in place for a country to be progressing.I totally refute the illusion of Ugandans who say you are enjoying alot of freedom.That is a banch of Ugandan who are indifferent to suffering of fellow citizen in safe houses,public killings of poor ugandan by rich army officers.I have a short question to all the Psuedo- freedom mongers of museveni.what is the essence of your freedom when Ugandans don't have the power to chose their destiny? not forgetting ownership of their own country.
For sure kagame has done well,He started in 1994 and look at where he is in 2009.The Rwakitura political junkies studies in 1986 look at where there now,They are just rich bullies to poor ugandans.
Let's bet on this,This Rwakitura type of leadership is not sustainable for Uganda! There other thing the NRM sycophants need to know,Kagames Objectives are clearly Known.I think that s the only reason Andrew would have some sympathy for Kagame.
I strongly feel uganda is not Museveni's Kiosk.Uganda is a Republic ranging from west Nile to Teso,KaramoJa to Kabale.We deserve some thing better that the Rwakitura supremacy over us.
written by Mkuba Sekombo, March 28, 2009
"We urge the International Community especially the United States, United Kingdom, France, Belgium, German, UN General Secretary, the UN Security Council members,European Union and African Union to pressure the Congolese Authorities to Compensate Victims of Sexual Violence in Eastern DRC"
Sacramento, California, March 18, 2009. The Mobilization for Justice and Peace in Congo (MPJC) has announced the launch of a global campaign to collect signatures to urge the international community to put pressure on president Kabila, the Congolese government and the Congole Parliament to take urgent action to compensate victims of sexual violence crimes in East of DR Congo. The petition can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/26180.html
According to Makuba Sekombo, Director of Community Affairs of MJPC, "despite legal provisions, the government of DR Congo has not yet created a formal victim support fund to compensate the hundreds of thousands of women and girls victims of extreme sexual violence in Eastern DR Congo. These victims continue to live a tragedy that the United Nations and humanitarian organizations are having difficulties to bear in Eastern DR Congo," he said. "While no amount of money can erase the trauma and inconceivable grief suffered by victims and their families, compensation is crucial in the recovery process and the governement of Congo must assume its responsibility"
The petition urges the international community especially the United States, United Kingdom, France, Belgium, German, UN General Secretary, the UN Security Council members,European Union and African Union) to pressure the Congolese authorities to compensate victims of sexual violence in Eastern DR Congo, where sexual violence against women and children has been widely employed as weapon of war for more than decade.
"For many of victims, it is essential to know that they have a choice to seek justice and reparation," said Mr Sekombo, "The availability of accessible mechanisms which support the right to seek a compensation would symbolise official acknowledgement of the Government and a way of taking responsibility for its tragic failures to protect hundreds of thousands women and children against horrific sexual violence crimes and can be experienced as a commitment by the Congolese Government to improve the criminal justice system response to future sexual violence crimes and strengthen measures to prevent these terrible crimes from being committed in the first place." added Mr. Sekombo.
About MJPC
MJPC is a nonprofit organization dedicated to working to add a voice in the promotion of justice and peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in particular in the East where thousands of innocent civilians, including children and women continue to be victims of massive human rights violations while the armed groups responsible for these crimes remain unpunished.
For more information on MJPC and the activities, visit the web site
http://www.mjpcongo.org. E-mail: info@mjpcongo.org or call Makuba Sekombo at 1 408 806 3644. The online petition calling for for help to put pressure on Congolese authorities to compensate victims of sexual siolence in Eastern DRC can be signed at http://www.gopetition.com.au/online/26180.html or http://www.fivvsc.org
written by yassin, April 15, 2009
written by Lillian, May 16, 2009
Dear Andrew, I have always known you as a true Ugandan and I have been cheated that you never come up to stand for presidency! You can make it if you can. You have such brilliant and well thought through ideas and we need a man like you. I agree with you and I think Uganda has over hatched priestly eggs and gone a head to invest in investors!!! You know what I mean!!! The country will soon belong to another world of people before we realise! Come-on Andrew, what is the solution? Rwanda has come up aggressively and hands up for Kagame. We need a Kagame in Uganda. We need to stop the No Change ideology and move forward. Museveni is not a coward. He is actually a very wise leader but he is just too much of a preacher and those around him are either ushers or choir members going by the rhythm given.
written by Moses, August 18, 2009
some body asked whether you have some body behind you?my answer is God and the west,m7 knows this, if he wants to continue with his stealing and spending spree from the poor tax payers, he should never touch you.
Back on the articles, Andrew, I have some times asked my self, is this man m7, a true Ugandan? if yes, why can he sit down and watch all the graft that goes on in governement institutions? is this the fundermental change he ushered in when he stood at parliament and declared his real change was not a mere change of guards? some of these questions support the argument that this man has no clear roots to this country. what do you think Andrew? does m7 visiolise what Uganda should look like? I live in Europe, M7 has been to many developed countries, why doesn't he copy some of these institutions?
you mentioned that Kagame lived in many countries and a result, he envisaged what Rwanda could look like if he had a chance to be counted and this is his moment, what shall we tell the children of our children about mzee? I suppose we shall leave this one to historians but what is clear from my deductions is that m7 is the most corrupt president in Uganda's history.
written by Malko, September 02, 2009
written by Phillip, December 04, 2009
written by Apuuli Engabu ya Tooro, January 29, 2010
Thanks. (MJ)











