The Independent Uganda: You get the Truth we Pay the Price
What went wrong?
The new century had begun so hopefully: Déby promised to be the right person who could assist Chad to develop as a democracy, and improve its economy. Help was at hand. International organisations and institutions, like the World Bank, stepped up to the plate. The World Bank provided a loan that supported Chad to construct a pipeline to transport oil into neighbouring Cameroon.
The expectation was that, with the help of oil revenues, Chad could improve its very poor and undeveloped education and health system and build infrastructure and supply jobs. Ordinary Chadians dreamed of a way out of poverty.
But careful observers could already detect Déby’s will to consolidate his grip on power. He invested the first World Bank loan in a military helicopter to defend his rule against rebels. And reports began to emerge that his former allies as well as relatives wanted part of the country’s riches.
Déby used the oil revenues to secure his leadership: a big portion of the revenue from oil went into the pockets of his Zaghawa clan and close allies who took central positions in military and society.
The hopes of ordinary Chadians that their lives would improve came to nothing. The poor became even poorer, health and education system are among the worst worldwide.
Déby had great tactical skills. He tied people to himself – often with monetary or other favours. He also blackmailed and humiliated even close collaborators. And he was very adept at playing off people, ethnic groups and religions against one another to finally present himself as the reconciler. Repeatedly former rebel leaders were convinced to leave the rebellion and join government ranks.
Part of the oil revenues went into strengthening the military and security forces. This enabled Déby to become a loyal ally of the French army on the Sahel battlefields against Islamist terrorism.
Déby successfully defeated rebel attacks in 2006, 2008 and 2019. This was in no small part due to his own capacities as a good military and political strategist as well as the loyalty and support of the French government.
As commander-in-chief of the army Déby used to lead the battles against rebellions, as well as against alleged Boko Haram attacks. He was joining his troops on the battlefields against FACT when he was mortally wounded in northern Chad.
A painful legacy
Déby leaves behind one of the poorest countries of the world.
The few Chadians who have benefited from his rule will mourn. Like his wife Hinda, many of them might have already left the country and taken their fortune with them. But ordinary Chadians cannot leave. They will cry out of fear. It is most likely that FACT and other alliances will not just accept the Déby Zaghawa clan’s continued grip on power and resources.
It is most likely that these movements will continue their advance on N’Djamena. At the moment they seem to be about 500km to 800km from the capital. However, the spokesperson of FACT promised to respect the period of mourning.
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Helga Dickow is Senior Researcher at the Arnold Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg Germany, University of Freiburg
I think the media should focus on the role of the army in a democracy. The death of Idriss at a time when Myanmar is facing a crisis when the army reneged on a gesture of democratic elections after decades of military rule. In Chad that is 32 years of military rule and still counting. One thing all military regimes follow the same path.