This created a danger. Social media is susceptible to misrepresentations, forgeries and lies especially in the hands of highly impassioned and creative groups. Fake results can be announced even before closure of polling. Videos, photographs and documents showing rigging in progress can easily be manufactured to create a virtual reality of massive rigging. This would make it difficult to protect the integrity of the polling process.
The inability of the NRM and the state to effectively participate in social media conversations and debates led to an inevitable fatal error – its shutdown during polling. Many people may never know (or agree) that the primary aim of shutting down social media was to protect the integrity of the polling process.
Opposition activists had begun producing stage-managed videos and photo-shopped pictures showing massive rigging underway. There was even a hashtag on Twitter called “rigging in progress” where evidence of ballot stuffing was being manufactured using modern software to create an alternative reality.
Besigye had very little organisational infrastructure to give him victory. But social media amplified his voice and allowed easy mobilisation of his supporters.
For the first time, Museveni’s monopoly of traditional media (which he has attained through state control, intimidation, and bribery) was outcompeted by Besigye’s control of social media, which his army of fanatics attained through verbal terrorism.
On the face of it, this was democracy at work: people’s multiple voices could be heard beyond the reach of state control. But there was also a risk: such lies and forgeries undermine democracy. The actions taken to protect the integrity of the polling process achieved the exact opposite. In the eyes of many, they were seen as aimed at rigging the vote in favor of Museveni.
And this was not an entirely wrong interpretation; many in Museveni’s camp were afraid of the pro Besigye mass hysteria online, mistaking if for mass support across the country. So they sought shelter in the state in order to rig. But rigging cannot work for the weak. They lost in Kampala and Wakiso in spite of delayed delivery of ballot papers.
In many ways it was a replay of December 10, 1980. Democratic Party officials saw their candidates across Buganda and Busoga trouncing UPC candidates by margins of nine to one.
This led them to believe stories that similar trouncing was happening across the country. Rumours began circulating of DP winning constituencies where polling was still under way and where UPC has winning by large margins. This state of affairs led Adoko Nekyon to call a press conference at DP headquarters and announce DP President Paul Ssemogerere’s victory.
DP supporters flooded Kampala streets and began jubilations. To protect the integrity of the polling process, Paulo Muwanga, who was the head of the interim government, issued a proclamation stopping anyone announcing results except him.
It also legalised the extension of voting to the next day. But Muwanga’s proclamation achieved the exact opposite i.e. it convinced everyone that Muwanga was rigging the election for UPC. Besigye knows the psychology of the state in Uganda under Museveni; its penchant for use of military and police hardware to enforce its will, especially in times of crisis; its reliance on financial as opposed to ideological incentives to secure compliance with its desires, a factor that floods it with many opportunists looking for a quick financial payoff thereby crowding out the more politically grounded supporters. But these actions undermine the legitimacy even of well-intentioned state actions.
Besigye’s supporters are inspired by their candidate and genuinely see him as a redeemer seeking to bring them deliverance from the grip of a corrupt, greedy and selfish “regime”. There is nothing more valuable in politics than faith in a higher goal that seems to stand above self-interest.
Therefore in the competition for public perception, Museveni’s paid handlers could not out talk and out post Besigye’s passionate believers on social media. We may never know the truths even if there was to be a vote recount. But we can infer from FDC’s lack of organisational presence in most of the country (NRM contested 10,656 positions unopposed) that it was unlikely for Besigye to beat Museveni. However, Besigye proved that you do not need actual votes to “win.” You can use social media to create a particular mindset; especially among your passionate supporters – that you won.
amwenda@independent.co.ug
” So they sought shelter in the state in order to rig. But rigging cannot work for the weak. They lost in Kampala and Wakiso in spite of delayed delivery of ballot papers.” Mwenda, no one is saying that Museveni was weak, but he was not strong enough to garner 50% +1. And in this article you have not tackled the mess in the tallying process. I also read from you that UPC never rigged the 1980 elections, am I wrong or right?
Besigye lost in the ballot, let him try other means and will get opposite of what he wants. Like Tamale Mirundi, I am of the opinion that they should let him move in the city centre as he wishes and if his people loot, he be made to pay by confiscation of his property and that of Winnie Byanyima (the remote controller). It is because a mob has not dealt with his property that he is fooling around with people’s hard earned property. But if the government wants to play games, it is fine but hurting people. People have a way of devising means to survive but the government (not Besigye) is the one charged with protection. Or chase him out of Kampala. It is easy.
Am always wondering how a caring leader, professional Dr, Patriot and People’s President has not even set up a private clinic to at least treat at a cost if free treatment to the needy is so difficult. Yet he can find means, resources, etc to invest in oil and real estate.
Who said public service begins from state house?
1.The good thing with Social media critics like TVO is that they get exhausted while posting useless comments. what haven’t they said about the 1st Family?with time one gets used to insults.
2. I dont know y the CJ was so patient with Mbabazi’s Lawyers they had no evidence but he kept on entertaining their stories one lawyer from Busoga even had the nerve to explain the disadvantages of using IDs during voting.
3.KB is now govt property he should be thankful that govt is providing him with security enemies of the state can easily assassinate him & the blame will be put on govt may be thats what he wants.
4.I thought poor guys r supposed to be humble but in Ug they r wild.
5. Sections of the Ugandan society r trying so hard to cause chaos it does not take 10 minutes to be like Burundi or Somalia so better watch out
Winnie,
1. TVO like the karoli he is, feeds on rubbish. When it is less, he has nothing to brodcast.
2. The CJ was is by training supposed to be long-suffering and obliged to hear the other side no matter the nonsense they submit. As for the lawyers, they just fleece JPAM (not him really but his sponsors).
3. If KB continues to lose (in polls and street) they are going to drop him like a hot potato(I mean all parties; sponsors,fans and pusheresses) and proceed with a less boring project.
4. Like you said our city poor are indeed humble but it is the less than 1% who act hooligan and hope to loot bread and money as per principal’s promises.
5. The chaos causers are known and if they manage to make it start they will be the first victims I can promise you that.
[In many ways it was a replay of December 10, 1980. Democratic Party officials saw their candidates across Buganda and Busoga trouncing UPC candidates by margins of nine to one.]
After so many years, decades of denials that UPC never won the 1980 plebiscite now people like Mwenda have been forced to face the truth. Except that unlike todays elections which are/were conducted under NRM which have been roundly discredited, the 1980’s polls held under UPC, were judged by the majority observers to have been credible and met the standard of fairness and openness. As if to add insult to injury the protagonist in this everlasting melodrama, Mu7, himself in the 1980 elections, which he claimed were rigged, lost. So just as the civil war of 1980’s was fought on spurious reasons the current so-called election victories of last three odd decades by NRM are shams. One person is only able to fool so many people so many times by exploiting a Uganda riddled and divided by multiplicity of ethno-nationalisms.
I have said time and again that it is waste of energy and fruitless effort to attempt to hammer some sense into your likes. The 1980 elections were rigged and even riggers admit it. This 2016 was the cleanest and most accurate Uganda has ever had. Only an idiot like you can stand and claim that more than 100 constituencies where you did not have a candidate, you were cheated/rigged/harassed blah blah blah. Wish we had a market for fools, I would trace you and sell you.
Let the state & police declare, if anyone is caught stealing people’s property during a procession,he should be stoned to death.
Police should leave KB to come to the city, i don’t think he will have that popularity even after 2 days.You mean its Ugandans who have time to accompany him every day when his real estate & oil businesses are flourishing ???What will they eat?
They should accept Mzee won them , hands down.Of the 112 districts he won 80.Yet he even poached some votes in those he lost.
This is a very lopsided analysis. Ever since 1986 the popularity of the big man has been dropping. When tested on a scientific platform you will see clearly there was no way 60% could vote for the OMWAH. His victory phyrric and empty. These propaganda will not work. Toa bus yako.
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