The Independent Uganda: You get the Truth we Pay the Price
Mbidde who boasts of being the brain behind the campaign says unlike Walk-to-Work that was cadre-based, this idea was conceived on achieving a national objective and was sold to everyone right from the grassroots. He says he benchmarked the idea of this campaign on Rwanda’s campaign to remove presidential term limits where they involved almost everyone.
“The Walk-to-Work approach was mediocre and simple. Security operatives knew who to arrest and where they are. If you look for the face of Togikwatako, you will not point out anyone,” he says.
Enter Togikwatako
Mbidde’s opposition Democratic Party (DP) coined the slogan, `K’ogikwatako’ literally meaning ‘If you dare touch it’. It didn’t really make sense for many in August when it was launched as a campaign phrase by DP as they protested against the move to amend article 102(b) of the constitution to remove presidential age limits.
But on Sept.21 when some MPs turned up for plenary with their heads wrapped in red bandanas, caps and ribbons as an initiative of a small party of only 15 flag bearers in a 426 member-strong parliament, they gained instant attention.
Then K’ogikwatako changed to Togikwatako – ‘Don’t touch it’ and has since taken every one by storm including President Museveni who seemed cagey at first. Mbidde says what he describes as unity of purpose is “what has overwhelmed the President”.
Mbidde appears to be referring to incidents like when Masaka Municipality MP Mathias Mpuuga formed Activists for Change (A4C) to coordinate the Walk-to-Work protests and police swooped on it with force. Even though Kizza Besigye was the face of the riots as he walked from his home every Monday and Thursday, his actions inspired only pockets of resistance in and around Kampala.
This time, Mbidde says, Togikwatako has forced Museveni, out of desperation, to order police and the army to storm parliament, something that many see as a political blunder for a person who postures as being respectful to the principles of democracy.
To Mbidde this desperation rages on as the NRM party was never prepared for this kind of response given that the opposition has hitherto been struggling to find supporters for their protests. Now, even as the ruling party is trying to patch up the holes, it is meeting not just resistance but intimidation as voters threaten to end political careers of some.
Like Mbidde, observers say because NRM was caught unawares, it is now divided on how exactly to counter Togikwatako. Their counter-campaign (Tugikwateko) has left some NRM MPs and ministers in awkward situations.
They started by calling rallies to consult voters. But when crowds started insisting on an impromptu hand poll on the issue – and the Togikwato side often won, the NRM MPs ditched rallies. Instead, they started preaching to their already converted supporters in small town hall-style meetings.
Even then, some NRM MPs say they remain torn between risking their political careers by backing Museveni and saving them by doing what their constituencies want.
Mbidde, who is also a member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) and is often charitable in dealing with the ruling party, says the opposition should learn that it is not their business to cause change in this country because that “is the business of the whole Uganda because the regime’s incompetence affects everyone irrespective of their political affiliations”.
Togikwatako versus Walk-to-Work
As Togikwatako gains steam, pundits are assessing its significance. Many are drawing parallels with past anti-Museveni protests; especially Walk-to-Work.
In an interesting paradox in Uganda, the image of President Museveni as a strongman seems to have grown in tandem with the strength of opposition to his rule in the last decade. In the first twenty years after Museveni captured power with his National Resistance Army (NRA) from 1986-2006, there seems to have been no resistance towards Museveni’s rule manifested in street protests.
In spite of scandals that caused national outrage then like the junk helicopters purchase in the late 1990s, UPDF Ghost soldiers, Global Fund embezzlement, and Temangalo land sale to NSSF, the anger never really crystallised into protests.
M7, just like a dog or cat under attack and against a wall, is at his most dangerous when he is under attack.
THE opposition are under a very big illusion if they think that they have M7 cornered.
M7 is a crisis manager and he manages by crisis and he revels in crisis (KAVUYO)
He has had all his adult life, and certainly the last more than 30 years to plan , where the opposition have only had a few weeks to plan their assault.
THE opposition and those campaigning to stop the lifting of the age limit must be very careful because they are dealing with a very slippery customer.
M 7 has the all it takes; the power, the resources of persuasion and coercion to ensure that he gets the result he needs.
He has now tested the waters and knows what the population thinks and he will now go a gear up .
All indications show that he had initially even arm twisted those MPs who were not in favour of the age limit removal. Some of the MPs are in a real dilemma, they are torn between protecting their interests and serving the interests of their master.
At the end of the day, most of them know or they will be told or convinced that their masters interests are the same as their own interest and at the moment most people are or believe they are what they are because of M7.
So all M 7 has to do is to come up with a plan that caters for their interests and he has examples galore where people have lost their parliamentary seats and have retained their ministerial jobs of which OTAFIIRE and MULONI are stellar examples.
SO he will tell them to ignore the voters interest, because the voters do not after all appoint ministers and he can appoint ministers , ambassadors , heads of parastatals outside of parliament.
The other option will be to tell the Mps to seem to accept what the voters want, tell them what they want to hear, after all the voters will not be there on the day of voting.
And just like the voting of the SPEAKER , M 7 will camp at parliament and it may even be possible to make the vote a secret ballot so that we shall be none the wiser as to how the MPs voted on the day.
SO be careful and do not count your victory. You may have won the battle, but M 7 the SABALWANYI can still win the war
I take your point Ejakait Engoraton. However the subtle, maybe major difference is that this time he isn’t just facing one crisis. We have a situation where the security services are viewing each other with suspicion, sectors of the economy are going on strike, some police commanders are expressing their disillusionment on social media and there is video footage of police complaining about pay, promotion etc, some NRM MPs are genuinely concerned that M7 has become a liability, it has been reported that some historicals are quietly against the idea, their is a genuine awakening of a lot of Ugandans about their plight, people seem to be becoming immune to the threat of force, innocent people have lost their lives and their loved ones bear a genuine grudge now, I think the coffers a re running dry. These are just some of the crises that he faces. He is like a man juggling a lot of plates in the air at the same time. Only time can tell how long he can continue doing this. Also remember that while his attention is otherwise occupied there is some opportunist maneuvering himself into position to strike. A bit like the Obote/Lutwa situation. For those who don’t learn the lessons, history has a funny habit of repeating itself. By the time one hears the dreaded words “I told you so” it is invariably too late.
There is no one who has studied and knows Ugandans in a devilish way than M7.
Most NRM people rightly or otherwise, have come to believe that they are what they are and can only become what they want to be because of M 7.
Every minister, RDC, ambassador, business people, believe that they are what they are because of M7 and that the next person who comes in will not appoint them to the same or better position and they go by the adage the DEVIL you know.
And for those who are currently on the sidelines, they believe that they are the next in line for whatever it is MZEE has promised them.
AND just like AHEEBWA has rightly said, NRM is nothing without M 7, it is actually fused into the person of M 7 and without him, it would implode, so for their own selfish needs, caring absolutely nothing about the entity called UGANDA, they would rather keep M 7 and UGANDA can go to hell.
I think you are right, how l wish the Togikwatako crisis leads could think outside the box the way you are doing.
Of course mzee is the only one of now who can manage the opposition, so as NRM we have to “kugikwatako” by all means friends
Gikwateko and be damned!
Those who watch and get to know what goes on will have known what happened in the Rugby world.
Campaigns have been going on to find the hosts for 2013.
Finally the field had been narrowed down to 3 countries, Ireland, France and South Africa.
In the penultimate round of voting, Ireland was eliminated and SOUTH AFRICA emerged as the “favorite” going into the final round and was the highly “recommended” by the organisation.
Come the results, and FRANCE, yes NOT South Africa , was the winner.
How come.
Up to and until the final round, all voting by the members had been open, but come the final round and it was decided (by goodness knows who), that the final round of voting, “in order to give the members freedom to vote freely” would be by secret ballot.
To the surprise of the SOUTH AFRICANS, France came out the winners.
I have never seen the head of an international organisation labour to explain himself.
thxs brother for your information on togikwatako isues